When is sona 2011 philippines




















The budget would then be submitted by the secretary of finance, that would be defended in the legislature. Smith, opened the assembly and delivered a speech narrating the past acts of the government leading to the establishment of the Philippine Assembly. Secretary of War [7] and representative of the President of the United States. With the enactment of the Jones Law in , the Governor General, no longer the Philippine Commission, was required to make an official report to the Secretary of War of the United States on the administration of the territory, who would then transmit the report to the President of the United States.

A separate tradition emerged, in which the Governor General would address the Philippine Legislature at the opening of the annual session. This, however, was not mandatory. What is interesting is that the Governor General gave the message in person.

At this time in the United States, the U. President did not give a message in person. President Woodrow Wilson would begin the current U. This role was taken by Filipino legislators elected by the people. President Manuel L. Thereafter, the date of the opening of the sessions of the National Assembly were fixed, pursuant to Commonwealth Act No.

Commonwealth Act No. With the approval of Commonwealth Act No. However, there were instances when President Quezon would deliver a speech to the National Assembly, calling the legislature into a special session to enact a certain law or bring certain issues to the floor for immediate attention. This was done on July 25, , when President Quezon called on the National Assembly regarding the election law and other immediate concerns. This was not a SONA since no mention of the state of the country was given in the speech.

President Quezon delivered his sixth and last SONA on January 31, , as he would already be in exile the following year because of the Japanese occupation. President Jose P. Laurel of the Second Philippine Republic was able to deliver his first and only message before the special session of the National Assembly, led by Speaker Benigno Aquino, on October 18, , four days after the Republic was established.

This also took place in the Legislative Building, Manila. However, Laurel, who was one of the delegates who drafted the Constitution , pointed out in his address that the Constitution did not provide for a report to the Legislature on the state of the nation and that his speech was not a SONA.

His message before the assembly, therefore, is not included in the roster of SONAs. With the defeat of the Imperial Japanese forces and the reestablishment of the Commonwealth Government in the Philippines, the Congress of the Philippines, elected in as a bicameral body, convened on June 9, This was the second time the SONA was delivered before a special session.

Furthermore, he described the conditions prevailing in the Philippines during the period of occupation and an acknowledgment of the invaluable assistance rendered by the guerrillas to the American forces in the liberation of the Philippines.

Starting in , the address was held at the reconstructed Legislative Building. Marcos on January 26, marked the start of the First Quarter Storm, a period of unrest brought about by student-led political demonstrations that took place in Manila from January to March On September 23, , President Ferdinand E.

Marcos declared Martial Law. Congress was padlocked before it was due to commence on January 22, when there was supposed to be a SONA. From onward, the SONA was delivered on the fourth Monday of July, following the provisions of the and, later, Constitutions.

The only exceptions have been in , when the SONA was delivered on January 17 to commemorate the anniversary of the ratification of the Constitution and the second anniversary of the lifting of martial law, and in , when President Corazon C.

Aquino, who had declared a revolutionary government, did not deliver any SONA. This is what we call Convergence. There have always been tree planting programs in government—but after the trees have been planted, they were left alone.

Communities that needed livelihood would cut these down and turn them into charcoal. We have the solution for this. This covers the communities under the National Convergence Initiative. In exchange for a conditional cash transfer, communities would take care of the trees; some would help nurture seeds in a nursery.

The private sector has likewise taken part in a program that hands out special coffee and cacao beans to communities, and trains the townsfolk, too, to nurture those seeds into a bountiful harvest. The coffee is planted in the shade of the trees that in turn help prevent flooding and protect the people. The company that hands out the seeds are sure buyers of the yield. Illegal logging has long been a problem. From the time we signed Executive Order No. He has our gratitude. This is just in Butuan; what more if all our LGUs demonstrated the same kind of political will?

From this, DepEd gets chairs for our public schools. Consider this: What was once the product of destruction has been crafted into an instrument for the realization of a better future. This was impossible then—impossible so long as the government turned a blind eye to illegal activities. To those of you without a conscience; those of you who repeatedly gamble the lives of your fellow Filipinos—your days are numbered. We are asking a regional director of the PNP to explain why he seemed deaf to our directives and blind to the colossal logs that were being transported before his very eyes.

If you do not shape up, you will be next. Even if you tremble beneath the skirts of your patrons, we will find you. From the womb, to school, to work, change has touched the Filipino. And should a life of government service be chosen, our people can expect the same level of care from the state, until retirement. Our administration will recognize their contributions to our society as public servants, and will not withhold from them the pensions they themselves contributed to.

Consider: some retirees receive less than pesos a month. How does one pay for water, power, and food, daily? Our response: With the New Year comes our resolution that all old-age and disability pensioners will receive no less than five thousand pesos monthly. We are heartened that we can meet their needs now, without jeopardizing their future benefits. The face of government has truly changed. But as you rise through the ranks, private-sector pay overtakes the government.

We will close that gap in time; for now, we have good news for government employees: Performance-Based Incentives. Exceptional employees are not recognized: their excellence is de-incentivized, and receive the same rewards as laziness and indolence. Here is one of our steps to respond to this. Employees now hold the keys to their own advancement. Incentives may reach up to 35, pesos, depending on how well you do your jobs. This is in addition to your across-the-board Christmas bonus.

We are doing this not only to boost morale and to show due appreciation of our public servants. This is, above all, for the Filipino people, who expect sincere and efficient service—who expect that they will continue to be the sole Bosses of our workers in government.

Quite simply: Yes. Think about it: Doing business in the Philippines was once considered too risky—the rules were too opaque and they were constantly changing. A person shaking your hand one day may pick your pocket the next. Now, with a level playing field, and clear and consistent rules, confidence in our economy is growing.

Investments are pouring in, jobs are being created, and a virtuous cycle has begun—where empowered consumers buy more products, and businesses hire more people so they can expand to keep up with the growing demand. Prudent spending has allowed us to plug the leaks in the system, and improved tax collection has increased revenues. Every peso collected is properly spent on roads, on vaccines, on classrooms and chairs—spent on our future.

We have fixed the system by which we build roads, bridges, and buildings—they now go where they are truly needed. Our roads are properly paved; products, services, and people reach their destination quickly and with greater ease. It is true: A resilient and dynamic economy resting on the foundations of good governance is the best defense against global uncertainty. We have been dismantling the obstacles to progress for two years, and now, our success can only be limited by how hard we are willing to work for it.

We achieved all these things even as countries around the world were surmounting their own challenges. We exist in this world with others. And so it is only appropriate that even as we attend to our own problems, we remain vigilant about some events that affect us. The situation in Bajo de Masinloc has been the source of much discussion. Chinese fishermen entered out territory. Our patrol boats intercepted some of their ships, which contain endangered species. As your leader, it is my duty to uphold the laws of our country.

And as I did, tension ensued: on one hand, the Chinese had their Nine-Dash Line Theory laying claim to almost the entire West Philippine Sea; on the other, there was the United Nations Convention on the Laws of the Sea, which recognized the rights of many countries, including that of China itself.

We demonstrated utmost forbearance in dealing with this issue. As a sign of our goodwill, we replaced our navy cutter with a civilian boat as soon as we could. I do not think it excessive to ask that our rights be respected, just as we respect their rights as a fellow nation in a world we need to share. There are those who say that we should let Bajo de Masinloc go; we should avoid the trouble. But if someone entered your yard and told you he owned it, would you agree?

Would it be right to give away that which is rightfully ours? And so I ask for solidarity from our people regarding this issue. Let us speak with one voice. Help me relay to the other side the logic of our stand. This is not a simple situation, and there can be no simple solutions. Rest assured: we are consulting experts, every leader of our nation, our allies—even those on the other side—to find a resolution that is acceptable to all. With every step on the straight and righteous path, we plant the seeds of change.

But there are still some who are commited to uprooting our work. Even as I speak, there are those who have gathered in a room, whispering to each other, dissecting each word I utter, looking for any pretext to attack me with tomorrow. Forgive and forget so we can move forward as a people.

I find this unacceptable. Shall we simply forgive and forget the ten years that were taken from us? Do we simply forgive and forget the farmers who piled up massive debts because of a government that insisted on importing rice, while we could have reinvested in them and their farmlands instead? Shall we forgive and forget the family of the police officer who died while trying to defend himself against guns with nothing but a nightstick?

Shall we forgive and forget the orphans of the 57 victims of the massacre in Maguindanao? Will their loved ones be brought back to life by forgiving and forgetting? Do we forgive and forget everything that was ever done to us, to sink us into a rotten state? Do we forgive and forget to return to the former status quo? My response: Forgiveness is possible; forgetting is not. True unity and reconciliation can only emanate from genuine justice.

Justice is the plunder case leveled against our former president; justice that she receives her day in court and can defend herself against the accusations leveled against her.

Justice is what we witnessed on the 29th of May. On that day, we proved that justice can prevail, even when confronted with an opponent in a position of power. This is why, to the next Chief Justice, much will be demanded of you by our people. We have proven the impossible possible; now, our task is reform towards true justice that continues even after our administration.

There are still many flaws in the system, and repairing these will not be easy. I am aware of the weight of your mandate. But this is what our people tasked us to do; this is the duty we have sworn to do; and this what we must do. Our objectives are simple: If you are innocent, you will appear in court with confidence, because you will be found not guilty.

But if you are guilty, you will be made to pay for your sins, no matter who you are. I would also like to thank Ombudsman Conchita Carpio-Morales, for accepting the challenges that came with the position. She could have turned down the responsibility, citing her retirement and volunteering others for the job—but her desire to serve the nation won out. This generosity was met with a grenade in her home. I thank you for your work, and I thank you for being an instrument of true justice—especially at the height of the impeachment trial.

I thank, too, the two institutions that form our Congress—the Senate and the House of Representatives—which were weighed and measured by the Filipino people, and were not found wanting.

To everyone that ensured that our justice system worked well: You weathered many challenges and criticism, and even misgivings; couple that with the anxiety over possible failure, of having to face the ire of those you went up against, after a mission lost.

But you did not falter. The Filipino people were relying on you, and you proved that their faith was rightly placed. You did not fail the nation; you further brightened our futures. Let me remind you that our fight does not end with the ousting of one corrupt official, with the suspension of an anomalous contract, or the systemic overhauling of a government office.

I call upon Congress to pass our amendments to the Anti-Money Laundering Act, that we may strengthen our measures to hold the corrupt accountable. Every town that has and will be lighted; the highways, bridges, airports, trains, and ports we have built; fair contracts; the peace in our cities and our rural areas; every classroom, desk, and book assigned to a child; every Filipino granted a future—all of these, we have achieved in just two years.

We have advanced an agenda of reform in these last two years, a marked contrast to our suffering in the decade that came before. If we share the same ideals and work for the same goals, then we are bound by a shared agenda. But if you are against us, it only follows that you are against what we are doing. Whoever stands against the agenda for genuine change—can the people really count them as being on their side? Elections are fast approaching.

You, our Bosses, will be our compass. Do we continue treading the straight and righteous path, or do we double-back—towards the crooked road that leads to a dead end? I remember well those early days when we first started working. I was keenly aware of the heavy burdens we would face. And I was among those who wondered: Is it possible to fix a system this broken? This is what I have learned in the 25 months I have served as your president: nothing is impossible.

Nothing is impossible because if the Filipino people see that they are the only Bosses of their government, they will carry you, they will guide you, they themselves will lead you towards meaningful change.

In these times—is it not great to be a Filipino? Last year, I asked the Filipino people: Thank those who have done their share in bringing about positive change in society. The obstacles we encountered were no laughing matter, and I believe it is only right that we thank those who shouldered the burdens with us, in righting the wrongs brought about by bad governance.

To all the members of my Cabinet: my sincerest thanks. The Filipino people are lucky that there are those of you ready to sacrifice your private and much quieter lives in order to serve the public, even if you know that you will receive smaller salaries, dangers, and constant criticism in return.

And I hope that they will not mind if I take this opportunity to thank them today: to Father Catalino Arevalo and Sister Agnes Guillen, who have nurtured and allowed my spiritual life to flourish, especially in times of greatest difficulty: my deepest gratitude. This is my third SONA; only three remain. We are entering the midpoint of our administration. Last year, I challenged you to fully turn your back on the culture of negativism; to take every chance to uplift your fellow Filipinos.

From what we are experiencing today, it is clear: you succeeded. You are the wellspring of change. You said: it is possible. I stand before you today as the face of a government that knows you as its Boss and draws its strength from you. I am only here to narrate the changes that you yourselves have made possible. This is why, to all the nurses, midwives, or doctors who chose to serve in the barrios; to each new graduate who has chosen to work for the government; to each Filipino athlete who proudly carries the flag in any corner of the globe, to each government official who renders true and honest service: You made this change possible.

I repeat: what was once impossible is now possible. I stand before you today and tell you: this is not my SONA. You made this happen. Text courtesy of the Official Gazette. Benigno Aquino III. During the previous administration, government bond ratings were upgraded once while being downgraded six times. Aquino emphasized the need for investment in the energy sector, particularly in oil and gas exploration, which is primarily offshore.

Critical Questions is produced by the Center for Strategic and International Studies CSIS , a private, tax-exempt institution focusing on international public policy issues. Its research is nonpartisan and nonproprietary. CSIS does not take specific policy positions. Accordingly, all views, positions, and conclusions expressed in this publication should be understood to be solely those of the author s.

All rights reserved. Skip to main content. Critical Questions. Ernest Z. Media Queries.



0コメント

  • 1000 / 1000